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hold male and female candidates to different standards based on gender (chapter 5) and partisanship (chapter 6). She finds that, although women receive positive evaluations for their qualifications, this assessment is a result of an implicit comparison between the woman candidate and a “typical woman” (p. 98). When it comes to making electoral decisions, however, voters revert to comparing women candidates to masculine standards. This creates an environment wherein women have to excel to be able to meet the expectations of voters, thus explaining some of the qualifications gap. Bauer then moves on to examine the impact of partisanship on these assessments. She finds that because there is an association between the Democratic Party and femininity, there is more parity in voter assessments between Democratic women and Democratic men seeking office. However, the Republican Party is more closely associated with masculinity. This association exacerbates a Republican preference for male elected officials and helps explain why there are far fewer Republican women elected to office than Democratic women. Finally, Bauer assures the reader that there are solutions to the qualifications gap. Her last empirical chapter tests several strategies to diminish voters’ reliance on gender stereotypes. Bauer notes elsewhere that voters are not rigid in their preferences for typical masculine traits and experience. However, she also finds that it is not enough to simply highlight one’s qualifications. Instead, voters need to receive information in context. To diminish the role of bias, thy need to be presented with an alternate “comparative anchor” (p. 160) so that they will not revert to gendertypicality, role-typicality, or partisan-typicality standards to evaluate candidates. Although Bauer’s research is expertly crafted, she has omitted an important consideration that often plagues the women and politics literature more broadly: the role of race and ethnicity in voters’ evaluations of women candidates. Women of color are an understudied group. They are not often the explicit focus of analysis in either the gender and politics literature or the race and ethnic politics literature. Bauer misses an opportunity to enhance our understanding of women of color office seekers and how their experiences differ from those of white women seeking office. For example, women of color are a multiply marginalized group and as candidates must simultaneously battle gender stereotypes and racial stereotypes. How does the qualifications gap and the findings presented in this analysis apply to women of color? On which “comparative anchor” are voters more likely to rely when evaluating these candidates in low-information contexts? Do the same strategies that can help women in the aggregate overcome voter bias also work for women of color in particular? Though these questions are left unanswered in the present analysis, future scholars can pick up where Bauer has left off to determine how these results can apply to other groups. In all, Bauer has crafted a convincing analysis of the ways in which gender bias continues to creep into voter assessments of women seeking elective office. Through a multimethod approach, Bauer not only documents evidence for the qualifications gap but also identifies possible solutions women can use to create a more equal playing field when it comes to elections. Her work here offers a potential framework for scholars studying intersectionality and voter bias in elections and represents an important contribution to the women and politics literature.