LAUSR

war, and it is true today, in the context of Dayton Meantime BosniaHerzegovina. One issue that this reviewer is left wondering about, however, is the absence of an ethnography of a household/apartment. This absence is puzzling because the author writes: “Very few respondents formulated any hopes beyond their households” (2). I was left wondering about how this “household bounded” hope is being negotiated, distributed, and discussed between, for example, a mother and a daughter around a kitchen table. What kind of everyday register and vocabulary of speech and silence does this negotiation employ? How is this very palpable “burden of hope,” unevenly distributed across generations and genders, shaping families and, by extension, the apartment buildings and the state? How is this “unbearable burden” of having parents’ hopes—for a functioning system, for normalcy, for survival, for care, for justice, for inclusion, for the state, for the future—being invested in and folded into the bodies and souls of the youth? Maybe Jansen is already working on another piece that will address these profound familial intimacies and intricacies of normalcy, care, politics and love, and the horizons and burdens of hope in the Dayton Meantime Bosnia-Herzegovina. This reviewer genuinely hopes so. In the meantime, the book should be of great interest to anyone thinking about the state and future in contemporary Bosnia and beyond.