Significance Humans have the unique ability to coordinate behavior, economic exchange, political action, and social relationships across immense distances and times. To keep this level of coordination running smoothly, we… Click to show full abstract
Significance Humans have the unique ability to coordinate behavior, economic exchange, political action, and social relationships across immense distances and times. To keep this level of coordination running smoothly, we often look to others as comparison standards for how to behave, think, and feel. A detailed understanding of the relation between social comparison and broad patterns of social life is lacking, however. The current research is a step in this direction—we show that social comparison is linked to cultural practices that promote strong norms and punishment for deviance (tightness) and those that promote relational self-construal (collectivism). These findings advance our understanding of the origins of social comparison and highlight the essential role of comparison for the development of social life. Social comparison is one of the most ubiquitous features of human social life. This fundamental human tendency to look to others for information about how to think, feel, and behave has provided us with the ability to thrive in a highly complex and interconnected modern social world. Despite its prominent role, however, a detailed understanding of the cultural foundations of social comparison is lacking. The current research aims to fill this gap by showing that two prominent cultural dimensions, tightness–looseness and individualism–collectivism, uniquely explain variation in social-comparison proclivity across individuals, situations, and cultures. We first demonstrate the yet-undocumented link between cultural tightness and comparison proclivity across individuals, and further show that perceptions of ambient tightness and interdependence are uniquely associated with stronger social-comparison tendencies. Next, we show that these associations arise across social settings and can be attributed to properties of the settings themselves, not solely to individual differences. Finally, we show that both tight and collectivistic US states show a propensity to engage in Google searches related to specific social-comparison emotions, but that the tightness–comparison link arises from a unique psychological mechanism. Altogether, these findings show that social comparison—a fundamental aspect of human cognition—is linked to cultural practices based both in prevalence and strength of social norms as well as the tendency to construe the self in relation to others.
               
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