LAUSR

be resisted, not only by capitalists but also by workers. There is therefore need for longterm and well-thought-out strategies that work at the international, national and community level. What Frankel suggests is a ‘social state’, through which the state provides a universal guarantee for essential services as well as providing full employment. At the same time, the state manages the transition to a post-carbon, sustainable economy. A social state would also promote community-level solidarity and a degree of self-governance to encourage innovation of decommodified and sustainable forms of production and services at the local level. Such a plan amounts to extending the spheres of decommodification within capitalism, rather than smashing capitalism all at once. Yet as Frankel notes, this would be resisted by conservatives, businesses, and workers who do not want to pay higher taxes for decommodified goods. Moreover, extending this strategy across the globe would require the Global North to subsidize the social states in the Global South, potentially creating political opportunities for the nativist far-right. Overall, this is a very sophisticated and well-reasoned book, which should be of interest to anyone studying environmental politics or global political economy. The book is also interesting to consider in the context of COVID-19, especially the dynamics of public opposition to and/or compliance with unprecedented population-level public health strategies. We may end up thinking of the COVID-19 pandemic as a dress rehearsal for the kinds of radical, coordinated action necessary to achieve a level of environmental and economic sustainability. Ultimately, Frankel’s sobering analysis raises many more questions than he is able to answer, but it does go a long way towards sharpening our critical faculties about what will surely become some of the defining political issues of the 21st century.