LAUSR

ties approach’, the third part suggests that ‘the greater the political space available to populist radical right parties, the higher levels of electoral success’ (p. 173). Here, Pirro concludes that ‘the electoral performance of populist radical right parties are best understood through the lens of minority issues’ (p. 189). Given the conclusion reached in the second part, indicating a shift towards the right on minority issues in Bulgaria and Hungary, one should then expect a declining trend in the level of electoral support for Ataka and Jobbik over the period examined. However, the parliamentary elections included in the study provide contradictory evidence. Both parties’ electoral support increased. Only the SNS’s electoral support declined; yet, this is attributed to deterioration in the SNS’s credibility due to the involvement of the party’s ex-leader, Jan Slota, in corruption (p. 180). A reference to ‘the divergence between mainstream parties approach’, arguing that a shift in the nearby mainstream parties’ positions on minority issues to the right legitimizes the PRR’s policies, can eliminate this inconsistency. Finally, a couple of points should be mentioned. First, the book concludes that minority issues play a crucial role in the electoral performance of the PRR. This answer, however, does not explain the success of the League of Polish Families in gaining seats in the Polish Sejm in both 2001 and 2005. Second, because the time span of the analysis includes the Eurozone crisis, the impact of unemployment could have been included as a factor potentially affecting the PRR’s electoral performance.