LAUSR

studying) the far right are discussed. The remainder of the text is divided into two parts. In Part I, the context and text of the CEU PRR are analysed and its ideology excavated. In Part II, the electoral success and wider policy impact of the PRR are assessed through qualitative text analysis and expert surveys. These methods are problematic, and as a result, Pirro’s arguments lack robustness. In particular, his non-statistical causal account of why the CEU PRR succeeds or fails in chapter 5 is unconvincing. That said, this exploratory study presents some important new insights. For instance, it is demonstrated that CEU PRR parties have moved away from a ‘Euroreject’ position to ‘Eurosceptic’ – an intriguing finding given the increasingly anti-EU rhetoric of Western PRR parties. It is also argued that nativism finds its expression not in anti-immigrant xenophobia (the enemy ‘beyond the state’) but rather in anti-minority discrimination (those individuals who are ‘of the state but not of the nation’). While interesting, this argument perhaps shows the primary concern with any book that seeks to describe contemporary phenomena: the phenomenon itself might change. The immigration crisis in Western Europe since 2015 has both altered the salience of immigration and changed the parties’ attitudes towards immigrants. Although this renders some of Pirro’s insights defunct, it does also, paradoxically, support his primary claim that the CEU parties analysed should be considered part of the PRR party family. Overall, this is a well-written and interesting book that has made an important step forward in scholarship on the PRR.